Copyright (c) 2009 University of Nebraska - Lincoln All rights reserved. http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub Recent documents in Faculty Publications: Political Science en-us Wed, 23 Sep 2009 23:32:33 PDT 3600 http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/33 http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/33 Tue, 22 Sep 2009 13:41:11 PDT What sort of person chooses to remain in a place like Rwanda when an easy exit is offered, when leaving seems the only safe or sane option, and when one is not directly connected to the would-be victims? And how does this person come to develop a circle of care that is expansive enough to include those who are radically Other? In what follows, I consider these questions through a detailed examination of the recent example of Paul Rusesabagina, the Hutu hotel manager in Kigali, Rwanda, who sheltered more than a thousand Tutsi and moderate Hutu refugees during the hundred-day genocide. I argue that Rusesabagina was primarily motivated by an awareness of his own mortality, his personal history, a desire to distance himself from the negative behavior of Hutu like himself, and a strong identification with the Tutsi refugees under his protection. Ari Kohen http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/32 http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/32 Tue, 22 Sep 2009 13:39:31 PDT Beckwith and Morris raise concerns about the value of twin studies for understanding the role of genetics in complex human behavior, but virtually all of their concerns have been raised and rebutted before. When it comes to the equal environments assumption (EEA), the best approach is to test for and control possible violations of the EEA on heritability estimates rather than merely rejecting all empirical evidence because of the possibility of EEA violations. In many respects, since the study of the genetic basis of complex human behaviors now includes many methods in addition to twin studies, Beckwith and Morris's critique applies more to the behavioral genetics of a quarter century ago than to today's multifaceted behavioral genetics. Twin studies establish that there is a sizeable genetic component to political orientations, thereby giving cause to look further at the nature of that role by using other methodologies, including molecular genetics.We conclude by pointing out that the normative implications of the relevance of genes to human behavior are not nearly as worrisome as Beckwith and Morris seem to believe. John R. Alford http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/31 http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/31 Tue, 22 Sep 2009 13:37:21 PDT In the past, most political scientists have been oblivious to the growing empirical evidence challenging environmental determinism. Professor Charney, apparently as a result of the fact that genes and the environment interact in a complex fashion, advocates that this passive unawareness be replaced by active denial. Science, however, does not advance by avoiding important relationships merely because they are complicated and, fortunately, science is not heeding Charney's ideologically-based fears. Molecular geneticists, often working in tandem with political scientists, are quickly moving beyond twin studies to identify the specific suites of genes and biological systems that predict variation in core political preferences, whatever labels those preferences might be given in a particular culture at a particular time.We sympathize with the fact that our empirical findings, like those of so many behavioral geneticists, make Charney uncomfortable; still, his critique serves up nothing new--empirically or otherwise. Just as analyses of the roots of sexual preferences cannot presumptively ignore genetics, neither can analyses of the roots of political preferences. John R. Alford http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/30 http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/30 Mon, 20 Apr 2009 11:40:19 PDT A broad cross-section of the social sciences is increasingly turning to biology and evolutionary theory to help explain human behavior. Political science is a notable exception to this trend, even though there are sound conceptual reasons for expecting biological processes to play an important role in explaining political behavior. While agreeing with the conceptual arguments, the authors believe original empirical research is the most persuasive means of convincing political science to incorporate biology in explanations of political behavior. Techniques developed in neuroscience, behavioral genetics, agent-based simulation, experimental economics, and other fields offer exciting research opportunities to explore questions of central interest to political scientists. The research presented in this volume provides examples of replicable, empirical evidence that political beliefs and behavior are a product of biological as well as environmental factors. John R. Hibbing http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/29 http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/29 Mon, 20 Apr 2009 11:40:18 PDT Are political liberals generous? Are political conservatives conscientious? Are generous people personally agreeable? Research in behavioral genetics and elsewhere increasingly indicates a biological basis for the manner in which people behave in personal, interpersonal, and political situations, but this biological basis does not mean behavior in these three very different contexts is correlated. In this article, using an original data set obtained from nearly three hundred subjects, the authors are able to test for the degree to which personal, interpersonal, and political temperaments are related. As expected, the overall correlations are quite low. Standard personality traits do not predict political attitudes, and neither political attitudes nor personality predicts the extent to which subjects are generous in interpersonal situations. Human behavior is partially biological, but the systems involved in shaping political behavior seem to be largely but not completely distinct from those involved in shaping personal and interpersonal behavior. John Alford http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/28 http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/28 Wed, 19 Nov 2008 13:55:31 PST Why are people more willing to accept some governmental decisions than others? In this article, we present results from a series of original experiments showing that people's reactions to a given outcome are heavily influenced by the procedure employed to produce the outcome.We find that subjects reactmuch less favorably when a decision maker intentionally keeps a large payoff, thereby leaving the subject with a small payoff, than when that same payoff results from a procedure based on chance or on desert. Moreover, subjects react less favorably to outcomes rendered by decision makers who want to be decision makers than they do to identical outcomes selected by reluctant decision makers. Our results are consistent with increasingly prominent theories of behavior emphasizing people's aversion to being played for a "sucker," an attitude that makes perfect sense if people's main goal is not to acquire as many tangible goods as possible but to make sure they are a valued part of a viable group composed of cooperative individuals. John R. Hibbing http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/27 http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/27 Wed, 19 Nov 2008 13:55:29 PST Congress has long been unpopular with the American public, with approval numbers above fifty percent serving as the exception rather than the norm. In this essay we argue that such disapproval stems not from calculated reaction to policy outcomes or partisan attachments. Rather, people tend to disapprove of Congress for exactly the thing it was designed to be: an open and deliberative lawmaking body. The more Congress does its job, the more the public tends to disapprove. John R. Hibbing http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/26 http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/26 Mon, 22 Sep 2008 09:26:14 PDT Although political views have been thought to arise largely from individuals' experiences, recent research suggests that they may have a biological basis. We present evidence that variations in political attitudes correlate with physiological traits. In a group of 46 adult participants with strong political beliefs, individuals with measurably lower physical sensitivities to sudden noises and threatening visual images were more likely to support foreign aid, liberal immigration policies, pacifism, and gun control, whereas individuals displaying measurably higher physiological reactions to those same stimuli were more likely to favor defense spending, capital punishment, patriotism, and the Iraq War. Thus, the degree to which individuals are physiologically responsive to threat appears to indicate the degree to which they advocate policies that protect the existing social structure from both external (outgroup) and internal (norm-violator) threats. Includes Supporting Materials. Douglas R. Oxley http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/25 http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/25 Tue, 08 Apr 2008 08:58:26 PDT Throughout history, dating back to slavery, blacks have been confronted with economic, political and social subjugation while living in the United States. During the course of this struggle, the black church has served as a place of refuge for the black community. The church, for example, served as the catalyst for the civil rights movement. Organizations such as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, led by the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King and Rev. Ralph Abernathy, worked tirelessly to tear down the barriers of inequality. In recent years, however, the black church has, arguably, failed to provide the same type of leadership in the fight against HIV-AIDS (human immunodeficiency virus-acquired immunodeficiency syndrome). Byron D. Orey http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/24 http://digitalcommons.unl.edu/poliscifacpub/24 Fri, 28 Mar 2008 08:43:56 PDT The concept of deracialization gained notoriety following elections held in November of 1989. During these elections, a number of African-American candidates captured victories in majority-white electoral jurisdictions, leading McConnick to coin this Election Day as "Black Tuesday." Among those elected on "Black Tuesday" include: L. Douglas Wilder as governor of Virginia, David Dinkins as mayor of New York City, Norman Rice as mayor of Seattle and Chester Jenkins, mayor of Durham, North Carolina. In this article we systematically examine the deracialization construct/strategy and the potentially damaging impact that such a strategy might pose on the black community. Byron D. Orey